Intro to Afro-American Studies
ONE
Introduction
Afro-American
Studies is an academic field that combines general intellectual history,
academic scholarship in the social sciences and the humanities, and a
radical movement for fundamental educational reform. This chapter will
summarize the general scope and content of the field and introduce the
approach used in the remaining chapters. AFRO-AMERICAN
STUDIES: WHO, WHAT, WHY, FOR WHOM Afro-American
Studies covers the entire American hemisphere, including North, Central,
and South America, the Caribbean, and northern countries like New
Foundland and Greenland. In this text the main focus will be on the United
States, but it should always be kept in mind that there are nearly
103 million Black people of African descent throughout the Americas, of
which only 27% are in the U.S.A., while 47% are in Brazil. There
is a great deal of diversity in this Black population spread throughout
the hemisphere, but there is one general point of unity. All of these
Black populations derive from an African origin. Black people come
from Africa as compared to white people who come from Europe. In
the world experience of Africans, subjugation by hostile people and
migration have led to great crises. First, as a result of
their subjugation, their past has been distorted or simply omitted from
the libraries and curricula. Second, the living descendents
of Africans who live outside Africa are faced with an identity crisis
because they have been stripped of their cultural heritage
and forced to use languages which are not conducive to maintaining links
with Africa. In
the United States today, there is also a crisis of identity in terms of
what name to use for African descendents. It can be thought of as a naming
crisis. Table 2 lists eight names that have been used since the 18th
century. Many have been omitted, especially the derogatory names like
"nigger," "jigaboo," "spade, "coon,"darky," "spook," "swartzes," "blackie,"
etc. These types of negative names can be found for all nationalities in
the United States. |
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Table 1
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Table 2
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The
critical issue is the power to define. Some focus more on the practical
character of names, the difficulty of making a change, and status
recognition based on existing societal norms. A different focus makes
naming a matter of political control, a critical principle of
self-determination. The difference can be demonstrated
with the name "Negro." DuBois argued in the 1920s that the name
"Negro" was acceptable, as long as it was capitalized. Richard
Moore, in his book The Name Negro: Its Origin and Evil Use (1960) condemns
the name and argues that a preferred name is "Afro-American"
(although he disagrees with the hyphen). His point is that Black people
must name themselves, because "dogs and slaves are named by their
masters; free men name themselves!" In
the 1960s, the issue of naming was one of the important struggles
reflecting a cultural identity crisis. Faced with white racism, the Civil
Rights Movement was an expression of "Negroes" fighting to
integrate themselves into white society. By 1966, this struggle was
transformed into a liberation movement for Black people. The Nation of
Islam, mainly represented by Malcolm X, carried out widespread publicity
to convince the "so called Negro" to become "Black."
Black became popular, a positive affirmation of self. This was a symbolic
victory for the masses of people, since for historical reasons the Black
middle class was brown or tan in skin color. Black was a replacement for
subordination to white that was
reflected in the terms "nonwhite" and "minority." "Afro-American"
and "African American" were more historically specific terms to
describe a synthesis of Africa with America and to replace
"Negro" and of course "colored." ("Colored"
is really a misnomer since if you were not colored you'd be colorless and
that means invisible. The issue has always been what color!) This field of
study thus is called Afro-American Studies. In the early campus struggle
against white racism to set up programs, it was named Black Studies, and
many programs retain their original name. Also in use are Africana Studies
and Pan African Studies. In
addition to the general issue of who is being studied and what they are to
be called, the issue of who is the constituency for an Afro-American
Studies program should be considered. This is linked to the special
purposes Afro-American Studies serves in the general academic curriculum.
In general, Afro-American Studies has two main objectives: |
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1.
to rewrite American history and reconceptualize the essential features of
American society; 2.
to establish the intellectual and academic space for Black people to tell
their own story. Afro-American
Studies is also important because of its impact on affirmative action.
Blacks constitute only 4.3% of faculty and only 8.8% of students in U.S.
higher education. The presence of an Afro-American Studies program
encourages Black employment and attendance. On virtually every campus, the
activities of Black faculty members are related to Afro-American Studies
and Black students are likely to enroll in at least one course before they
graduate. Black students need to be tied into scholarship on the basis of
an anti-racist affirmation of their own experience as part of the overall
human condition. Further, their study must be the basis for reinterpreting
the overall American experience, especially correcting the centuries of
racist distortions and omissions. White students, believing liberal
generalities at best and racist stereotypes at worst, are the most
ignorant of the Black experience. Their gain from Afro-American Studies is
essential if recurring crises of racial ignorance and conflict are to be
avoided. Apart from students, there are many others who would benefit,
from Afro-American Studies. For instance, everyone who desires to work in
government - whether it is making or implementing policy - should have
knowledge of the Black experience. All future legislators, administrators,
and most mayors should be required to take Afro-American Studies because
much of their legislative and policy-implementing activities deal with
Black people. Similarly, people in business or labor should take
Afro-American Studies. Blacks constitute a growing market for business,
and they
are an essential component of the trade union movement (Blacks are even
more unionized than whites when you compare them industry by industry).
This general text in Afro-American Studies is designed to meet people's
need to understand the Black experience. Before considering the specific
content of that experience, one should have some grasp of the broad field
of Afro-American Studies. We thus turn to a discussion of Afro-American
intellectual history, Afro-American scholarship within the traditional
academic disciplines, and the radical movement for Black Studies in the
1960s and 1970s.
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We
will then discuss the conceptual framework that is used in this text to
analyze the Black Experience. The conceptual framework
is both a model for unity in Afro-American Studies and the basic structure
of the chapters that follow. INTELLECTUAL
HISTORY Afro-American
intellectual history in the U.S.A. Is being rewritten and even now is
only partially being given the academic attention that it deserves. It
is the history of Black men and women fighting to establish professional
careers as scholars, journalists, writers, etc. They had to fight against
racism and discrimination. For these reasons this is a history that
mainstream white scholarship has not included. The
institutional concentration of a Black intellectual tradition took place
in graduate education and dissertation research. This was supplemented by
newspapers, magazines and journals, and specialized organizations. Blacks
who got higher degrees have been overwhelmingly in the social sciences,
education, and the humanities. Further, most of their research has been on
the Black experience. Harry Greene, in Holders of Doctorates Among
American Negroes (1946), lists all Black doctorates between 1876 and
1943. Of 77 dissertations in the social sciences, 56% were on the Black experience; 67% out of 71 in education;
21% out of 43 in language and literature; and 15% out of 26 in psychology and
philosophy. This graduate research has been a point of tension between
intellectual currents within the Black community and the academic
mainstream. It is therefore one of the most intense and dynamic indicators
of, how important and deepIy rooted is the desire of Black people to
study the Black experience. The overall written record of Black intellectual history is perhaps most easily traced in journals that specialize in some aspect of Afro-American Studies. (See Appendix A form a list of the top 26 journals in Afro-American Studies.) This began with the Journal of Negro History, founded by Carter G. Woodson in 1916, and includes Phylon, founded by W.E. B. DuBois in 1940. The number of journals has expanded greatly since the 1960s, even though aspects of the Black experience have been increasingly integrated into mainstream journals. The growth of these journals is proof of a continuing commitment to the field. Afro-American Studies is a field anchored in a professional journal literature, just as are all other recognized fields in the contemporary academic setting. |
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Table
3
There
are also a number of published bibliographies that give a codified view of
the entire field. These range from A Bibliography of the Negro in Africa
and America by Monroe Work (1928, 700 pages) to Blacks in
America: Bibliographical Essays by James McPherson, et al. (1971, 430 pages). The
most recent reference tool is Black Access: A Bibliography of
Afro-American Bibliographies by Richard Newman. (See Appendix B for a list
of key bibliographies.) We
will highlight the contours of this intellectual history by briefly
discussing four key individuals: W. E. B. DuBois, Carter G. Woodson, E.
Franklin Frazier, and Langston Hughes. DuBois and Woodson, both trained in
history, were mainly broad generalists who focused on the role of race in
history, especially for Black people in the United States. Hughes and
Frazier, of a later generation, made outstanding intellectual
contributions. Hughes was trained in the humanities and Frazier was in the
social sciences. One of the critical similarities among these
intellectuals is that they all produced a paradigmatic text of the Black
experience. A paradigmatic text is a coherent survey of the main aspects
of the Black experience throughout the dynamic historical stages, from
Africa to the Afro-American present. It constitutes an overall treatment
of the Black Experience.
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William
Edward Burghart DuBois (1868-1963) W.
E. B. DuBois was a world-class intellectual of the late 19th and first
half of the 20th century, and clearly the most dominant
Black intellectual of all time. He was educated at Fisk University and
Harvard University, the best Black and white institutions of higher
education. One example of the racism he faced was that Harvard admitted
him as a college junior, only giving him two years credit for his four
years of study at Fisk. After two years of study at the University of
Berlin, he went on to be the first Black Ph.D. in the social sciences in
the U.S.A. His
work is best exemplified by two sets of conferences that made a great
impact in terms of both understanding the Black experience and changing
the world for Black people. DuBois was a leading force in the five major
Pan-African Congresses held to develop a world-wide movement for African
liberation (see Chapter 15). He was also the leading figure in the Atlanta
University Conferences held between 1898 and 1930 to summarize research
and public policy regarding the conditions of life for Black people in the
U.S.A. during the early decades of the 20th century. The proceedings of
each Atlanta University Conference were published, and together they
constitute the beginning of modern applied research on the Black
experience. This work was the early origin of Black Studies. DuBois
lived 95 years, and he published during 80 of those years. His
contribution can be seen in the breadth of his research concerning the
Black experience. Selected Works by DuBois
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He
had hoped to culminate all of his research in a major encyclopedia. He
proposed an Encyclopedia Africana in 1909, but he could not secure
funding. He planned an Encyclopedia of Colored People in 1934, but was
only able to publish a preparatory volume by 1944. In 1959, he was invited
by Kwame Nkrumah, President of Ghana (West Africa), to work on the
Encyclopedia Africana. He was working on the project when he died in 1963.
His entire dramatic story, nearly a century long, was recorded in two
autobiographical volumes, Dusk of Dawn (1940) and The Autobiography
of W E. B. DuBois (1968). Perhaps
the most important contribution made by DuBois was his relentless search
for truth and his untiring devotion to the cause of clarifying the meaning
of his people's experience. In 1903, he published a major collection of
essays, The Souls of Black Folk. From then on he was a critical
interpreter of the Black experience. He went on to write several works of
fiction, including a trilogy of novels called The Black Flame
(1957, 1959, 1961). DuBois
led the life of an intellectual and an activist. He founded Crisis, the
journal of the NAACP, and was its editor from November, 1910 to July,
1934. In 1940, he founded the academic journal Phylon (Greek for race) at
Atlanta University and edited it from 1940 to 1944. His life epitomized
academic excellence and political activism. Carter
Godwin Woodson (1875-1950) Carter G. Woodson is known as the father of Black history. He not only made major contributions through his scholarly research, but he also was the key organizer in building a Black history movement. He was educated at Berea College, the University of Chicago, Harvard, and the Sorbonne (University of Paris), getting the Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1912. His parents were ex- slaves, and he didn't enter high school until he was twenty years old. Woodson made great contributions to research about Blacks, both by creating new data sets and by analyzing existing data. |
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Selected
Works by Woodson
No
one person has created an intellectual movement comparable to the Black
history movement organized by Carter G. Woodson. In 1915, he organized
the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History. The following
year, he began to publish a scholarly journal, The Journal of Negro
History. He went on to found a publishing company, Associated
Publishers, and by so doing completed the task of organizing professional
resources for Black history. There was an organization, with a newsletter
and an annual meeting; a professional journal for scholarly articles; and
a publishing company for books. |
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He also took Black history out of the
classroom into the Black
community
by founding Negro History Week, now Black History Month and Black
Liberation Month. This was the major project that helped to spread an
appreciation for Black history among the broad Black population,
especially since the activity was based in schools and churches. Woodson
combined academic scholarship with a broad commitment to community
education. He fought against racism and for the development of a healthy
Black consciousness rooted in a firm grasp of the historical record. Edward
Franklin Frazier (1894-1962) E.
Franklin Frazier was the most renowned Black social scientist of the 20th
century. Further, he was elected president of the American Sociological
Association (1948), indicating his white colleagues held him in the
highest regard as well. He was educated at Howard University, Clark
University, University of Copenhagen, and the University of Chicago where
he earned a Ph.D. in sociology in 1931. Utilizing the most advanced
research techniques of his time, he was a preeminent analyst of the
changing patterns of race relations in both the United States and the
world. Selected Works by Frazier
His
major research was on the family. Frazier shared the puritanical values
of his generation, and so his research is conditioned by a Black
middle-class bias concerning proper behavior. While his work remains quite
controversial, his analysis is comprehensive, historical, and based on the
documentary testimony of Black people themselves. |
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The entire scholarly literature concerning Black people was summarized by
Frazier in his major work, The Negro in the United States (1949).
With the keen perception of a research social scientist, he brought
together widely diverse information and organized a coherent pattern of structural
change and institutional development, from the slave
experience to the urban experience. Langston
Hughes (1902-1967) Langston Hughes could justifiably be called the Afro-American poet laureate of the 20th century. He not only won critical acclaim for his writing in virtually every genre, but he also wrote a newspaper column that had great popular appeal among the masses of Black people. Moreover, he translated other Black writers into English from Haitian French, Cuban Spanish, and Creole from New Orleans. Langston Hughes is known all over the world. Selected Works by Hughes
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Langston
Hughes was both a poet and a political voice in the Black community. His
orientation is clear from this 1934 essay entitled "Cowards from the
Colleges," in which he commented on the political weakness of the
Negro college And how change must come from students:
Hughes
then made a prediction that was to come true nearly thirty years later in
the southern students' sit-in movement (see Chapters 12 and 14):
But
Langston was also deeply mindful of the deep historical heritage that
could serve as the basis for a strong Black consciousness. This was true
even in the very first poem that he published, which was in the Crisis edited by
DuBois: THE NEGRO SPEAKS OF RIVERS (1921) I've known rivers: Langston
Hughes wrote this poem when he was only nineteen
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THE
DISCIPLINES The
second major source of intellectual work that makes up Afro-American
Studies consists of the established disciplines of academic scholarship in
the humanities and social sciences. There is also much to learn about the
Black experience from scholars in the sciences and mathematics. This can be
investigated further in the work by James Jay, Negroes in Science:
Natural Science Doctorates, 1876-1969 (1971), Virginia K. Newell, et
al., eds., Black Mathematicians and Their Works (1980), and Ivan Van
Sertima, ed., Blacks in Science: Ancient and Modern (1983). But the main focus here is on the study of society. Sociology
has been a leading disciplinary contributor to the field of Afro-American
Studies. Sociology also exemplifies the limitations of the established
disciplines. Frazier (1968) and Lyman (1973) demonstrate that sociology did
not embark upon a program of empirical research dealing with the Black
experience until the 20th century. Vander
Zanden (1973) notes that sociological literature (and presumably courses
based on that literature) reflected three themes: "(1) a description
and documentation of Black disadvantage within American life; (2) an attack
upon racist notions of black biological inferiority; and (3) an
interpretation of Black disadvantages as derived from White prejudice and
discrimination" Pettigrew (1980), in summing up the historical development of the sociology of race relations, makes a penetrating critique of its limitations:
Sociology
merely typifies what has happened in other mainstream disciplines. In
general, the mainstream disciplines have focused on the Black experience by
emphasizing race relations from the point of view of the interests of white
people. They have lacked a theoretical perspective that is dynamic and is
focused on the politics of social change. The mainstream disciplines thus
were unprepared to deal with both the intellectual concerns of Black people
and the political actions of the masses of Black people.
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One
of the key features of Afro-American Studies is that it was created
precisely for this reason. The tension between theory and practice is at the
heart of the field. This tension is most clearly revealed in the two
phrases, academic excellence and social responsibility. On the one
hand, universal standards of scholarship guarantee that Afro-American
Studies will earn and maintain its right to be a permanent part of
university life. On the other hand, it must maintain a positive moral
posture regarding the quality of life in the Black community. THE
MOVEMENT The current phase of, Afro-American Studies has been nurtured by a radical social movement in opposition to institutional racism in U.S. higher education. But many people had called for it earlier. Arthur Schomburg, a collector of Black books after whom the famous collection of Black materials in New York is named, put it this way in 1913:
By
1915, Carter G. Woodson had his activities going. And by the mid-1960s, a
mass movement rising to meet this challenge was raging in the United States.
Students had played a strong role in the Civil Rights Movement, and young
activists were the main basis for the Black-consciousness developments. (See
Edwards (1970), Gurin and Epps (1975), Orum (1972), and Tripp (1982). Emerging
from this context, the Black Studies movement has gone through four main
stages of development:
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Innovation
- The origin of the movement came through social protest and disruption
of the university. Blacks sought to attack and to change the policies and
practices of institutional racism. Experimentation
- The initial actors in the protests for Black Studies sought to bring
the general rhetorical orientation of the national movement within local
campus administrative and cultural style. Many different types of academic
structures and programs were developed on a trial and error basis. Crisis
- When the post-1960s fiscal and demographic shift hit higher education
(less money and fewer students) Afro-American Studies was challenged for
immediate results. It was faced with the prospects of diminished status and
decreased resources (as was becoming common for all academic structures in
the social sciences and the humanities). Institutionalization
- The strategic orientation for Afro-American Studies was developed in
1977 as "Academic Excellence and Social Responsibility." Under
this banner, a set of professional standards began to put the field on a
permanent academic foundation. Innovation
Several case studies have been done that helps to shed light on the innovation phase of the movement. Orrick (1969) describes the context of the first Black Studies program at San Francisco State University. Baraka (1984) sums this up:
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At the Black colleges, the situation was somewhat different because the Afro-American intellectual tradition had been based there. Here the contradiction expressed itself in generational terms and in challenging what was called the "predominantly Negro college" to become a Black university. Mays (1971) tells his version of the struggle at Atlanta University. The essence of that struggle was contained in a statement the Trustees of Morehouse, Spelman, and Atlanta University signed after being held captive by a group of students and faculty for nearly thirty hours:
This
phase of the Black Studies movement was summed up in two collections of
articles. The Negro Digest (March 1967, March 1968, and March 1969)
published three special issues under the guest editorship of Gerald McWorter.
The articles in these issues presented a critique of institutional racism
and a vision of what a Black university that would be in a position of
providing an alternative might be like. The proceedings of a conference at
Yale University, Robinson (1969), were nationally significant because the
Ford Foundation joined Yale in pulling together the leading activists of
Black Studies with a leading group of white mainstream scholars. This
conference resulted in greater mainstream legitimacy for Black Studies. It
provided a useful critique of the mainstream and several examples of the
types of scholarship to be developed in the field, and it led to a
substantial investment in the field by the Ford Foundation.
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Experimentation
In
general, Afro-American Studies includes the following variety of
administrative structures: 1.
Department: full academic units with academic majors, and a secure budget; 2.
Institute/Center: a permanent, research-oriented special program with
minimum financial support; 3.
Program: formally organized program of activities with no permanent status; 4.
Committee: informally organized program with no permanent security. Each
of these types of structures must be evaluated in terms of how it meets the
needs of the local campus. In general, however, the critical question is the
extent to which there is some multi-year commitment so that Afro-American
Studies is secure from immediate political pressures and can be focused
mainly on the academic performance of its faculty and students. Three
key works summed up this experimentation stage of Black Studies: Ford
(197-3), Blassingame (1971), and Cortada (1974). These works were reactions
to the diversity and apparent loss of academic quality that many attached to
Black Studies because of its political origins. Each attempts to define a
program that would be acceptable to the mainstream. At the same time, new
forms of organization were developing to further develop the movement into
something new, something that might help to transform all of higher
education in the United States. An example of this is the Institute of the
Black World, led by Vincent Harding. Black Studies scholars also were
beginning to develop a professional literature discussing the character and
future of the field (e.g., Frye (1976), Butler (1981), and Sims (1978)).
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Institutionalization The institutionalization of the field is the current
stage of Afro-American Studies, one likely to carry into the 21st century. This involves
the issues of curriculum, program, professional standards, and theoretical
coherence to the field. Curriculum
- A core curriculum model has been
widely adopted as the academic foundation of the field, The Hall Report. This
curriculum model is designed to provide a coherent framework for major and
minor programs of study. As a field it covers the social sciences,
historical analysis, and the humanities. There are several levels: an
introductory course, survey and advanced courses in the substantive areas,
and an integrative senior seminar in which the many aspects of
Afro-American Studies are pulled together in a review of the current
research in the field.
Program
- Many activities have developed as regular features of Afro-American
Studies at most colleges. One of the most important ones is the expansion of
Negro History Week into Black Liberation Month. Carter G. Woodson founded
Negro History Week in 1926 in the context of a virtually total racist denial
of the contributions of Black people to world history. As a result of the
1960s, the issue was popularized and Negro History Week was turned into
Black History Month. This was carried even further by the national
television production of "Roots" by Alex Haley watched by millions
of people. The question became, history for what? This led to the origin of
Black Liberation Month. Here is the explanation developed by Peoples
College: |
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Professionalism
- The development of Black Studies has been mainly a reaction to
the racism and conflict Blacks have experienced in other disciplines and
areas of the university. So it is particularly important to indicate the
affirmative action taken by Black scholars to impose high quality
professional standards on Black Studies. Professional achievement is a
function mainly of research and publication, acceptance and approval of
one's work in professional organizations that decide future developments, and
productive organization of graduate level programs of study. In short,
Black Studies is consolidating around professional journals, professional
organizations, and graduate programs. Achievement is being judged on the
basis of a shared value-orientation in the field. This is clearly spelled
out in a 1981 study by McWorter, "The Professionalization of
Achievement: Ranking of Black Studies Programs."
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Karenga, (1982) provided a text based on his nationalist theory of Kawaida: The
seven basic subject areas of Black Studies then are: Black History; Black
Religion; Black Social Organization; Black Politics; Black Economics; Black
Creative Production (Black Art, Music and Literature) and Black
Psychology... this conceptual framework is taken from Kawaida theory,
a theory of cultural and social change. Asante
(1980) put forward a theory called "Afrocentricity," which
consciously attempts to build on Kawaida. Mumford (1978) presented a
Marxist analysis. He focuses on making historical analysis of class and
class struggle the basis for understanding the Black experience. His
analysis especially concentrates on slavery, the lumpenproletariat, racism,
and Africa.
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THE
TEXT This
section is designed to introduce you to the specific conceptual framework of
this text and its organization into chapters. A conceptual framework
involves the clarification of theoretical ideas on the basis of which one
proceeds to do an analysis. In a text that introduces the entire field of
Afro-American Studies, it is necessary to have a conceptual framework that
is inclusive of the entire subject matter. The conceptual framework focuses
on two questions: What is the Black experience? How does it change? The
Black experience is the sum total of the content of Black peoples lives.
There are four main levels of this experience, as can be see in Table 4. Biology and Race On the biological level, the overall key variables are race, age,
and gender. All biological traits are controlled by a genetic code found in
every cell of a person's body. This genetic code is inherited from one's
biological parents. A race or gender group is defined as a human population
sharing specific physical traits (e.g., sexual organs for gender and skin
color for race). A great controversy continues to rage in scientific circles
regarding the relative importance of the view that human behavior is
biologically determined versus the view that people become who they are as
a result of socio-historical forces. This is known as the "nature
versus nurture" debate. Table
4
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There
is little convincing evidence that biological differences between races make
a social or historical difference. Racial differences Almost always are
put forward to explain inequality, where one racial group has a lower
standard of living and less power. An argument of biological inferiority
rationalizes the group's being on the bottom. The logic is that they are
inferior, and they therefore belong on the bottom. This is not a scientific
discussion of race, but RACISM, which is an ideology of racial inferiority.
White racism is the overall position that Blacks are inferior and whites are
superior. An example of how silly this is can be seen in South Africa, the
most racist country in the world. The South African government restricts the
freedom of everyone who isn't white. However, when the Japanese became
economically powerful (as they are now in the automobile, steel,
electronics, and computer fields), the racist white South Africans
reconsidered. They wanted excellent trade relations with Japan so they
decided to make the Japanese honorary white people! Political
Economy and Class On the level of political economy, the central concept is class. Economic activities involve the production, distribution, and consumption of scarce material things needed for human survival and that otherwise serve human wants. Class is a historical relationship between groups of people. It is a relationship of power that determines who works, what they get from it, and what impact they can have on the society at large. There is a ruling class in every society, although different types of societies are not organized in the same way. In feudal Europe royal families made up the ruling class. In traditional African society, this was often the case as well. This is class rule based on heredity. In a capitalist society, heredity is much less important. Some mobility in and out of the ruling class occurs despite the status of one's family by birth. The
overwhelming majority of adults in the U.S.A. get up every morning and go to
work. They have to do this because only by doing so will they earn an income
necessary for their families' survival. Therefore, political economy is a
universal feature of the human experience |
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There are two major aspects of society: culture and social
institutions. Culture refers to values and life style, whereas social
institutions refer to roles and collective forms of social interaction.
These are not temporary phenomena, but are permanent features of a society that are reproduced and transmitted across
generations. Nationality (sometimes called ethnicity) is the particular identity
of a group based on its culture and social institutions. Historically, such
identity is correlated with economic interdependence and a common
language. The issue of nationality is one of the key issues of the
Afro-American experience in the U.S.A. Ideology and Consciousness How each of these three aspects of the human experience is known,
thought about, and discussed is the focus of consciousness.
This is the experience of the abstract, mental images that enable one to
make choices and realize human freedom regarding the physical and social
worlds. While the "brain" is a physical reality, it works as a
"mind" full of ideas, conceptions, imagination, opinions, beliefs,
etc. There can be no "mind" without a "brain," although it is
possible to have a damaged brain or be mentally ill and to be what people
call "out of your mind" The
most formal organization of one's consciousness is the realm of ideology.
Ideology is a set of beliefs that serve to define physical, social, mental,
and spiritual reality. Everyone in society has an ideological orientation,
but only trained and disciplined thinkers have a comprehensive and coherent,
ideological orientation. The
Black experience is the complex sum total of all aspects of the human
experience as lived by Black people. The Afro-American experience has a
beginning and a definite logic of change as can be seen in Figure B. Historical change in the Afro-American experience has alternatively represented social cohesion and social disruption. Social cohesion is an established and relatively stable pattern of social life that is transmitted across generations. This is not social life without conflict, but rather social life that can be taught to the next generation. Social disruption occurs when these patterns are broken and people have to adjust to a new environment, to a new set of relations, to a new way of life. Of course, out of every experience of disruption emerges a new form of social cohesion. This dynamic pattern of change, historical periodization, is universal for all Black people in the U.S.A. Every person and family can locate their own experience within this pattern (see p. 26).
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This
is the basis for the organization of the chapters in this book. Chapters 2
and 3 deal with columns A and B. Chapter 4 deals with column C, Chapter 5
with column E, and Chapter 6 with column G, Chapters 5, 6, and 9-13 include
columns D and F where appropriate. Chapters 7 and 8 deal with row 3, mainly
G-3. Chapters 9, 10, 12, and 13 all deal with row 2, again mainly G-2.
Chapter 11 takes an aspect of row 4 (gender) and relates it to other rows,
especially row 2. Chapter 14 deals with rows 1 and 2, Chapter 15 deals with
rows 1, 2, and 4, and Chapter 16 with rows 1, 2, and 3. In general, the
above connection between the paradigm of unity and the chapters is
suggestive because no chapter is confined to the specific limitation of a
box. But the paradigm is the basis for locating a topic of debate or
discussion in such a way that it is comprehensible across ideological lines.
Figure B
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The
field of Afro-American Studies is an exciting Intellectual Adventure, an
experience that will open new worlds of knowledge to both Blacks and whites.
Welcome aboard! KEY CONCEPTS
STUDY
QUESTIONS 3. How did the movement for Black Studies develop? Describe the four stages (innovation, experimentation, crisis, and institutionalization). 4. What is the paradigm for unity in Black Studies? Explain historical periodization, aspects of society, social cohesion and social disruption.
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SUPPLEMENTARY
READINGS 1.
W. E. B. DuBois, The Autobiography of W. E. B. DuBois: A Soliloquy of
Viewing My Live from the Last Decade of Its First Century. New York:
International Publishers, 1968. 2.
Vincent Harding, There Is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in America.
New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1981. 3.
Langston Hughes, A Pictorial History of the Negro in the United States. New
York: Crown, 1956. 4.
Malcolm X, The Autobiography of Malcolm X. New York: Ballantine
Books, 1981 (first published in 1965). 5.
Richard Wright, 12 Million Black Voices: A Folk History of the Negro in the United States. New
York: Viking Press, 1941.
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Contents | Next Chapter |