Intro to Afro-American Studies
SEVEN
Black Workers and the Labor Movement
Toward a Paradigm of Unity in Afro-American Studies
LOGIC OF CHANGE | Social Cohesion | Traditional Africa | - | Slavery | - | Rural Life | - | Urban Life |
Social Disruption | - | Slave Trade | - | Emancipation | - | Migrations | - | |
UNITS OF ANALYSIS | Ideology | A1 | B1 | C1 | D1 | E1 | F1 | G1 |
Nationality | A2 | B2 | C2 | D2 | E2 | F2 | G2 | |
Class | A3 | B3 | C3 | D3 | E3 | F3 | G3 | |
Race | A4 | B4 | C4 | D4 | E4 | F4 | G4 |
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As
we have consistently pointed out, the role of Black people since the beginning of slavery in the
United States has been to work, to produce goods, and to provide services.
This, of course, is the task forced on the vast majority of people in the
U.S.A. - white, Puerto Rican, Chicano, Native American, various nationalities from Asia (Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, etc.), and Black people.
As with other oppressed nationalities, Black people have worked under the
double oppression of being exploited as workers and oppressed as Black
people. For Black women, there has been a triple oppression: as a worker,
as a Black, and as a woman. The most important social content of Black
history reveals the struggle against these attacks. Finally, it is only
when all of these aspects of the suffering of Black people are fought,
when Black people and all oppressed and exploited people unite to
overthrow all forms of oppression, that freedom, justice, and equality
will be achieved by all people. This is the most important lesson to learn
from Afro-American Studies. BLACK
PEOPLE IN THE WORK FORCE The
experiences of Black workers reflects the general trends of the overall
U.S. economy. This means that up to the 20th century, most industries
needed a great deal of workers, especially unskilled workers. For Black
people, of course, this meant agricultural work until World War II.
However, during the 1940s and 1950s, the use of tractors and other
machines, the rural electrification program, and the use of chemical
fertilizers meant that the need for agricultural labor was drastically
reduced. While technological innovation was occurring in industry as well,
it has not had the effect of significantly reducing the need for labor.
Some writers use scare tactics and try to prove that industrial workers
are obsolete and no longer needed because of automation. (For this view
applied to Black people, see Sam Yette, The Choice, and Sidney
Wilhelm, Who Needs the Negro.) But by examining occupational
statistics, and by taking up discussions with working- class people, this
view is easily proved absurd.
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We
can generally date the origin of the Black industrial worker to the early
20th century, especially after the World War I migration to northern
cities. By this time, some advances had been made by Black males in
industrial employment. Particularly important are the struggles to gain
employment in basic industry, like automobile and steel production, and
the struggles to gain full membership in the trade unions. A significant
difference exists in the experience of men and women Black workers. During
World War II , Black women workers made a slight shift from domestic
service household work into low-level clerical jobs and industrial factory
jobs. After the war, both Black men and women faced the perennial
experiences of Black workers, "the last hired, and the first
fired'" Black
workers have been used in three main ways: as scabs to break strikes, as
low-status labor for "shit work," and as a labor reserve. Scabs |
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"Shit
Work" Labor
Reserve
In
response to a recurring imbalance between the demand and supply for industrial workers, capitalists try to keep
a reserve of labor to call up when necessary. This labor reserve is the
general source for scabs and people to do the shit work. In the meanwhile,
the labor reserve is usually channeled into four main areas: Armed
Forces - In World War
I and II, Blacks were discriminated against in the armed forces so they
worked in jobs left open when white males went to war. However, the
post-Vietnam period has radically reversed this trend. There is now a high
concentration of Blacks in the armed services, as
indicated in Table 12. Now,
over one-third of those in the army are Black and over one-fifth of those
in the armed forces are Black. But Blacks have been getting the same
treatment inside the armed service as in the general society. They are
underrepresented in the officer corps (i.e., leadership positions).
Moreover, while in 1979 Blacks were 32.2% of the army, Blacks were 51.2%
of the army prison population. Also, one can easily make the case that
during the Vietnam War, Blacks were being used as cannon fodder until the
Black liberation movement fought for change (see Table 13). The fact that
Black soldiers reenlisted at more than three times the rate for whites
(66.59% to 20%) after their first term of service might be explained by
the difficulties Blacks have in finding employment outside the military. Unemployment
- This is the main context for the accumulation of the labor reserve,
Since the end of World War 11, Black people have suffered with an
unemployment rate twice that of whites (see Table 14). According to the
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, during the first quarter of 1984, there
were 1,949,000 Black people a
majority of teenage Blacks out of work. Many will never hold a job unless major
changes,
occur. Social
Welfare - The government has a few programs by which people who qualify
receive a monthly government check. These are either to support
someone who has worked (social security, , health benefits, veterans
benefits, etc.) or to protect those who can't find a job (unemployment
compensation, aid to dependent children, etc.). Black people are
disproportionately recipients of family/children support, as indicated in
Table 15, but they are often cut out of others. |
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Table
11
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Source : Data derived from Martin Binkin, et al, Blacks and the Military,p.42 Table 13
Source : Martin Binkin, et al, Blacks and the Military,p.76 Table 14
Source: National Urban League, The State of Black America, 1983, pp103-104 |
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Prison - The average number of inmates in Prisons and jails is Over 50,000. About 26% of the overall Prison population is Black, but over 40% of the local jail inmates are Black. In general this labor reserve, consisting of the poor recruits into the armed forces, the unemployed, the welfare recipients, and the prisoners, is used to support the economic system and to keep wages down. As the work force is threatened by economic crisis, tensions mount between employed workers and this labor reserve. However, it has been the history of organized struggle by the employed worker in trade unions that has been at the heart of the working-class struggle for better living and working conditions. The main reason for this is that the employed worker is the productive source of wealth in the society. Workers constitute the logical source of resistance to how this wealth is distributed. The oppression faced by Black workers has been met with struggle, both in the form of spontaneous rebellion and organized resistance. At times, this has been mainly the efforts of Black workers themselves. At other times, there have been efforts of workers united, Black and white, in trade unions or militant rank- and-file organizations of workers. The most advanced form of struggle occurs when the concrete economic issues that face all workers are united with the overall political questions that face all people in the society, and workers of all nationalities unite to lead the fight against all oppression. This requires an advanced form of political organization rooted in the working class. Table
15
Source : U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1981, p. 346 |
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BLACK
WORKERS AND ORGANIZED RESISTANCE Beginning
in 1866, the working class in the United States has had a, national
organization of one sort of another, as can be seen in Table 16. Even with
these unions, there has been a long struggle for immigrants, women, and
Blacks to be accepted as full-fledged union members. What follows is an
abbreviated history of the major national unions and other labor
organizations in terms of their relationship with Black workers. Early
National Unions: N.LU, CNLU, and the Knights The
first major national organization was the National Labor Union, founded in
1866. A. C. Cameron, one of the NLU organizers, attempted to confront
directly the issue of Black workers in an address before the national
convention by declaring that the
Table 16
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But
than convention failed to act upon this and others' advice. The best the
NLU ever managed to do was later to adopt a resolution encouraging Black
workers to organize separate unions that could be affiliated with the NLU.
This policy of separate or dual unionism clearly was not designed to
promote class solidarity or racial unity. Black workers were left to
continue pushing for entry into the union on an equal basis or to form their own separate unions. They chose to do both. In
1869, Black workers formed the Colored National Labor Union. Isaac Myers,
the CNLU's first president summed up it's position:
While
the CNLU was open to all workers, it fell into the reformist trap of
believing that labor and capital could learn to live and grow together. In
failing to see the irreconcilable conflict, the. CNLU sealed its fate.
Both it and the NLU soon tell into decline. The radical organization of
workers into a national organization began
with the Knights of Labor. Formed in 1869, the year that the CNLU called
for the unity of workers "without regard to race or color," the
Knights of Labor was initially committed to trans- forming this expression
of solidarity into a reality. From the ranks of the militant Knights of
Labor rang the slogan, "An injury to one is a concern for all."
In many cities throughout the country, including the South, Blacks were a
major part of the membership. The Knights also managed to conduct a number
of mass campaigns and marches showing a militant solidarity between Black
and white workers. William Z. Foster summed up the Knights of Labor in The
Negro People in American History:
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Craft Unionization: AF of L For
the bulk of the working class involved in unions, the American Federation
of Labor, founded in 1881, replaced the Knights of Labor. The AF of L was
a national federation of craft unions that proved to be an exclusive
organization consolidating the most reactionary sectors of the working
class. Though Samuel Gompers, its founder, initially declared that the AF
of L did "not want to exclude any workingman who believes in and
belongs to organized labor," the AF of L failed miserably in its
practice. In the beginning, rather than rooting itself in the principle of
solidarity, it took the position that Black workers had to be included
because their exclusion would make it easier for employers to use them
as strikebreakers. Its position did not improve as the years wore on.
Ira De A. Reid summarized the AP of Us relationship with Black workers:
Its
preoccupation with the interests of white workers rather than the working
class as a whole, and its concentration on organizing the skilled to the
exclusion of the unskilled, meant that it failed not only Black workers
but the entire working class. The Industrial Workers of the World, founded in 1905, took a very different approach. As the ideological heir of the better aspects of the Knights of Labor, this was a major radical union that included all sectors of the working class. The ideological character of the class struggle was clearly put: "The working class and the employing class have nothing in common." The IWW (or Wobblies as they were generally called) was to be "one big union" of the working class, regardless of race, creed, color, or sex.
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Philip,
Foner indicates the IWW's relationship to the Black worker:
It
was just this kind of policy that led W. E. B. DuBois to write: "We
respect the Industrial Workers of the World as one, of the social and
political movements in modern times that draws no color line." The
Wobblies were perceived by the capitalist class as a major threat to their
rule for several reasons. First, the Wobblies were syndicalists, a
political position that workers can directly seize control of the state
mainly through the use of the strike. Second, their policy of actively
recruiting Black workers on an equal basis left open the real possibility
that Black and white workers would unite to overthrow the capitalist
class. The government thus set about to systematically destroy the
Wobblies. At the height of the IWW's efforts to organize the waterfront in
1917, the government began moving in. It eventually arrested IWW leaders
all over the country and imprisoned them, some for as many as twenty
years. It was a move from which the Wobblies never really recovered. The
mounting "Red Scare" and further governmental repression
decimated the ranks of the IWW. By 1923, "the IWW was only the shell
of an organization," as Foner put it. The government had successfully
managed to stem the tide of organizing workers, especially Black
workers, into industrial unions. A National Black Union: The
Brotherhood Not only did the Wobblies present a threat during this period, but the possibility of
an independent Black labor movement loomed large, particularly in the
early 1920s when Black workers threatened to secede from the AF of L
because of its continued indifference to their concerns. In 1924, A.
Philip Randolph was able to capture some of this remaining impetus when he
launched the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters at a public rally in
Harlem, which at the time was hailed as "the greatest mass meeting
ever held of, by and for Negro working men." The first organizing
drive was in Chicago, but organizing efforts swept the
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country
as Black militant, porters rode the rails. It was eventually supported by
the NAACP, the National Urban League locals, some churches, and the
Colored Women's Economic Council, which formed auxiliaries to stage
rallies and to aid porters who were harassed, beaten, and fired by the
Pullman Company. Even some of the AF of L leadership supported the
Brotherhood. As Foner has pointed out, "Worried about the influence
of Communists in the Negro working class, they saw the brotherhood,
whose leadership was bitterly anti-Communist, as a bastion against the
American Negro Labor Congress!' By
1928, the Brotherhood had sufficient strength that its members voted to
strike Pullman. At the last moment, Randolph called off the strike largely at the counsel of William Green the President
of the AF of L. Randolph was roundly criticized by militants within and
outside the Brotherhood, but he defended his position on the basis that
the future of the Brotherhood lay with the AF of L. The following year the
Brotherhood had its own convention and a constitution, and it went on to
become the first successful national Black union. For many, it was the
symbol of an important response to racism as well as a force of cohesion
for Black workers in organized labor. Radicalism:
American Negro Labor Congress and Unemployed Councils There
were other, more radical forces at work. In 1925, the same
year that Randolph was establishing the Brotherhood, the American Negro
Labor Congress was organized to unite "Negro workers -and
class-conscious white workers in a common struggle against racial, social
and economic oppression." Its purposes were clearly stated:
It
called upon all workers to unite to form militant industrial unions and to
fight against U.S. imperialism:
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Hailed
by the Daily Worker, criticized by the Black press as
Communist-inspired, and condemned by the AF of L, the American Negro Labor
Congress received a great deal of public attention. It Was not, however,
very successful in bringing large numbers of Black and white workers
together in a united front against the segregated trade unions, much less
against the capitalist class. By 1930, it was superseded by the League of
Struggle for Negro Rights. As
the Depression deepened, Blacks and whites joined to set up Unemployed
Councils to demand relief, unemployment insurance, and jobs. The policy
of the Unemployed Council, as stated by Angelo Herndon was:
Herndon,
a Black Communist Party worker (the Unemployed Councils were mostly under
the leadership of the CP though Communists and non-Communists alike
participated in them), was arrested in Atlanta for leading a demonstration
of the unemployed and was prosecuted for insurrection. At his trial,
Herndon declared: |
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The state's reaction was to sentence
Herndon to life on the chain gang. Other prosecutions followed as the
state moved to put down the working class. Industrial
Unionization: CIO and the Black Community
In
a real sense, the radical wing of the labor movement was again given
vitality in the early days of the CIO. The Communist Party gave leadership
to the organizing effort. It led the working class in pitched battle
against both the sell-out trade unionism pushed by the leadership of the
AF of L, and the repressive |
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At
the same time the CIO was being formed, a number of prominent Blacks came
together and created the National Negro Congress. "For the first time
in the history of black Americans;' Foner writes, "a 'united front of
all Negro organizations,' from old-line Republican to Communist, had
joined together, rejected Red-baiting, and stood ready to help in solving
the urgent problems of the Negro people, among which the organization of
black workers stood foremost." Though it officially supported both
the CIO and the AF of L, it actively sought an alliance With the CIO,
which it saw as the best hope for fighting discrimination against Black
workers. The
National Negro Congress, however, ultimately did not speak for the entire
Black community. The Black community became split over the issue of
unionization. One side was tied to capital and focused on racism in the
unions to argue against unionization. The other side argued that since the
advancement of Blacks was only possible in the trade union movement,
whatever problems existed had to be fought rather than to jump in bed with
capital. There are many examples of this kind of a split. The major
industrial giants, like Ford in Detroit, contributed funds to local
churches in order to gain the support of ministers to fight the efforts to
organize Black workers into an industrial auto union. Also, local Urban
Leagues often took a pro-capital position because of the composition
of their boards and the relationships they had developed in fund
raising for the League, though this local practice was
in contradiction to the national policy which was hardly ever strongly
anti-union. |
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Reactionary
Forces: AFL-CIO Merger
During
the late 1930s and 1940s, despite the efforts of' the Nation al Negro
Congress and others, reactionary forces operating in the interest of
capital increased their attacks on the CIO. The most backward
anti-Communist propaganda was directed at the CIO. This was made more
complex by organized labor's positive relationship
with Franklin D. Roosevelt and its support of his policy concerning World
War 11.
By
1948, there was a hardening of the right in trade union leadership, and a
consolidation of the right-wing leadership in the CIO itself. After the
war, the AF of L continued with blind patriotism to support the "cold
war policies;" of the United States. The CIO was not far behind. In
1949, the CIO expelled eleven progressive unions, with almost one million
workers, on the grounds that they were Communist-dominated.
These
expulsions smoothed the way for the merger of the AF of L and the CIO in
1955. With the leadership of the AFL-CIO in the hands of the "labor
lieutenants of capital," this merger had serious repercussions for
Black workers. Now there was no radical national trade union organization
that took a clear and antagonist stand against capital. Black workers
would have to depend on the militancy of rank-and-file workers or outside
organizations to push for their rights. Black
Militancy
Anticipating
the reactionary direction the trade union leadership was taking, Black
workers formed the National Negro Labor Council in 1951, amidst
anti-Communist hysteria. The NNLC was dedicated to addressing the needs
and rights of Black workers. It filled a void created by the absence of
the National Negro Congress, which had ceased to exist after the war, and
by the NAACP's failure to criticize labor leaders who were in the process
of ridding the unions of their radical elements. From the beginning, the
NNLC made it clear that its main purpose was to assist unions in bringing
an end to job discrimination and racism within the unions. However, when
the NNLC attempted to cooperate with union leaders, it was rebuffed. Black
appeals to elect Black |
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officers
were met with charges of "racism in reverse." The
' NNLC conducted many important struggles, including militant
strikes and campaigns to win jobs, to stop brutal police killings of
Blacks, and to gain the right to use public transportation and facilities.
In 1956, however, the NNLC was called before the Subversive Activities
Control Board to defend itself against charges that it was a
Communist-front
organization. Faced with an enormous legal defense bill that it could not
pay, the NNLC voted to dissolve itself. Thus the NNLC died, the victim of,
as Foner put it, "intimidation, Red-baiting, and other kinds of
political and economic pressure: Once again, the government, at the
behest of the capitalist class, succeeded in repressing Black workers' at-
tempts to organize themselves to fight against racism. While the NNLC
failed to change the AF of L or CIO,. it did set, a new tone of Black
militancy to inspire others. On
the heels of five years of experience with the AFL-CIO during which Black
workers made very little progress, Black trade unionists were determined
to assume a more militant role. After a particularly galling rejection of
Black demands, Randolph went before the NAACP convention to ask for the
creation of a national Negro labor committee. In May of 1960, the Negro
American Labor Council was born. It was an autonomous organization of
Black trade unionists working within the AFL-CIO to pressure it to take
concrete action toward eliminating racism. 'Its efforts were hardly
welcomed by the AFL-CIO. The following year, the AFL-CIO Executive
Committee censored Randolph for creating, as George Meany (the president
of the AFL-CIO) put it, "the gap that has developed between organized
labor and the Negro community." Black response was quick to follow.
Roy Wilkins of the NAACP summarized the position of the Black community:
"If such, a gap exists it is because Mr. Meany and the AFL-CIO
Executive Council have not taken the required action to eliminate the
broad national pattern of anti-Negro practices that continues to exist in
many significant sections of the American labor movement . . " Black people were no longer content to wait for organized labor to act upon their demands. They were taking matters into their own hands. The NALC, with the -cooperation of the NAACP, - SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference), CORE (Congress of Racial Equality), and SNCC (Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee), led the 1963 March on Washington to demand jobs and an end to discrimination in industry and the unions (see Chapter 14). The Civil Rights Movement was in high gear, and promises of change were fast forthcoming from the unions. |
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The
next years witnessed a closer relationship between Black people and
organized labor as both struggled for the passage of the i964 Civil Rights
Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. But sharp divisions were occurring
between more militant Blacks and white liberal labor leaders as organized
labor's position hardened.
In
June 1966, "Black Power" came to national attention. While
essentially reformist in that
it proposed no fundamental change in the U.S. political and economic
system, "Black Power" did become the rallying cry for many. For
some, it portended the beginning of a new revolutionary struggle. In
1967, Martin Luther King, Jr. was still calling for a closer union of
labor and civil rights forces:
But
growing disillusionment, among civil rights activists and increasing
hostility between unions and poverty-stricken Blacks, Puerto Ricans, and
other minorities were leading many to the position that social reform was
simply not enough. The riots that erupted in Detroit, Newark, Cleveland,
and many other cities
in the summer of 1967 could not be blamed on Black people. The root of the
problem was clearly economic and social conditions that could be changed
only through revolutionary struggle and not by mere reform.
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Black
Revolutionary Union Movement: DRUM,
the League, BWC In
1968, the labor movement began to feel the full impact of this new
revolutionary thrust when DRUM (Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement) burst
on the scene at a Chrysler plant in Detroit. Its revolutionary goals were
made clear in its constitution:
Within a year, DRUM was joined by similar Black caucuses, which eventually united to form the League of Revolutionary Black Workers. The league, which sought to unite Black workers, Black students and intellectuals, and unemployed Black youth, was to be "the vanguard of the liberation struggle in this country." The League believed that Black workers had to break the control of racist unions and form their own revolutionary caucus within each union, made up of unemployed Blacks as well as workers. The League became the symbol of not only Black-worker insurgency, but also radical politics on the shop floor for all workers. Not since the 1930s had workers organized with such radical politics against the capitalist factory owners. |
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While
the following incident occurred after the demise of the League, it was
undertaken by former League members and reflects the general posture of
League tactics. James Geschwender describes what happened:
The
practice of the League inspired a new optimism in the radical movement -
at that time called the "New Left" - and led to broader efforts
to organized in working-class
centers of employment. But the League
did not survive the 197'Os due to organizational problems of leadership,
their differences over political orientation, and the limitations of
'being located in only one city, Detroit. This organizational thrust led
directly into the Black Workers' Congress, a national organization
building on the experience of the League and including radicals from the
former student group, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee. This
led to a greater Black presence in the left (see Chapter 16), but not a
great deal of organizing took place among Black workers. |
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The
Contemporary Scene
But
the CETU was definitely within the trade union movement. The major leader
of CBTU, William Lucy of APSME, is very clear on this:
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CBTU
membership comes from over forty unions, inside and outside of the AFL-CIO
structure, including steel, auto, meat cutters, teamsters, government
employees, and a variety of other service workers.
This
historical sketch of Black workers and trade unions is an extremely
important part of the Black experience, but it is usually not included in
general texts in Afro-American Studies. The same omission is frequent in
American history and world history courses. Since most Black people have
been working people at every historical stage, it is necessary and
appropriate to spend a chapter dealing with this subject. Further, since
white people are also workers, the discussion of the Black experience in
the trade unions is an important part of the overall American experience. Blacks have participated in trade unions more than any other organization, except the Black church. Trade unions were designed to improve the standard of living and working conditions facing workers, even though this has seldom been done adequately for Black workers. This chapter should be read in relationship to Chapters 14, 15, and 16.
STUDY
QUESTIONS 1.
Discuss the negative experiences Black workers have to suffer. How are
these similar to or different from the experiences of white workers? 2.
Have trade unions ever taken a strong position against racism and
segregation in support of Black workers? Give concrete examples. 3.
What are the main lessons for today that can be drawn from worker
struggles of the 1930s? 1960s? 4.
Discuss the pros and cons of separate Black organizations in the trade
union movement. Give concrete examples. SUPPLEMENTARY
READINGS 1.
Harold Baron, "The Demand for Black Labor." Radical America 2
(March/April, 1971): 2-6. 2.
James A. Geschwender, Class, Race, and Worker Insurgency: The League of
Revolutionary Black Workers. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press,
1977. 3.
William H. Harris, Keeping the Faith: A. Philip Randolph, Milton P.
Webster, and the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, 192537. Urbana:
University of Illinois -Press, 1977. 4.
John F. Keller, Power in America: The Southern Question an .
the Control of Labor. Chicago: Vanguard Books, 1983. 5.
Sterling D. Spero and Abram L. Harris, The Black Worker. The Negro and
the Labor Movement. New York: Atheneum, 1968. |
143 - 144 |
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